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Sunday 15 September 2013

Pemerkosaan Ekonomi Bumiputera- (bah 1)




MP fires AK-47 during parliament session in Jordan

An MP in Jordan has been charged with attempted murder after trying to shoot another politican with an AK-47 during a session in parliament.

Hari ini Dato Najib melancarkan majlis permerkasaan ekonomi Bumiputera. Kita mendoakan hasrat ini akan berjaya. Walaubagaimanapun, izinkan saya memberi sedikit pandangan. 
Bumiputera itu maksudnya 60% Melayu/Islam dan lebih kurang 8% Bumiputera bukan Islam. Pendapatan PURATA bulanan bumiputera mengikut Dato Najib ialah 4500. Hip hip Hooray!
Nak menyedapkan hati orang Melayu bolehlah. Kali ini, kumpulan consultants mana pulak yang menyediakan ucapan pemerkasaan ekonomi Bumiputera yang akan menjadi pemerkosaan ekonomi Bumiputera? Believe you me, it will come to that eventually.Najib kata we hear you we hear you.
Kawan2- pemerkasaan ekonomi Bumiputera ini tidak lain akan menjadi DEB with a vengeance. Tengoklah nanti, ini akan menjadi landasan elit dan feudal Melayu mengayakan diri, sanak saudara dan kroni. Ingat- daripada RM54 billion saham yang dijual dan didanai pembelian nya- RM52billion sudah dijual. Tinggal RM2billion sahaja!. Ini agenda Bumi-PUTERA. Siapa yang jual? Putera pemimimpin atasan, putera/puteri pegawai tinggi,dan seumpamanya. Termasuklah pegawai2 yang menjaga pengagihan saham2 itu dahulu.
Pendapatan purata RM4457 sebulan.
Tapi bukankah 40% dari rakyat Malaysia mempunyai pendapatan bulanan RM1500 kebawah? 40% dari 28juta ialah 11.2juta. 90% dari nya orang Melayu/Bumiputera. Ertinya Melayu/Bumiputera yang berpendapatan RM1500 kebawah ialah 10juta orang. 88% dari jumlah ini ialahMelayu/Islam tulin iaitu seramai 8.87juta.
Hampir 9 juta Melayu mempunyai pendapatan bulanan RM1500 atau kurang. Jadi siapa Melayu yang mempunyai pendapatan purata bulanan RM 4500 sebulan? Bumi-PUTERA2. Saya lihat ribuan orang Melayu didaerah Raub Pahang yang hidup mereka itu, kalau kita teliti sudah pasti menghancurleburkan segala hati jantung yang bernadi dan berdenyut!
Masaalah pokok nya ialah bolehkah kita percaya cakap2 Najib ini?
Semua orang boleh lihat hipokrasi Dato Najib. Semasa saya dalam UMNO dahulu saya sudah menyatakan seruan 1Malaysia nya tidak akan berjaya. Ketika dia menyebut perkara ini buat pertama kali semasa suatu Perhimpunan Agung UMNO, para perwakilan rata2 menolak nya. ahli UMNO mahu meneruskan dominasi Melayu dalam segala hal.
Apa yang dimaksudkan dengan dominasi itu tidak pernah dinyatakan dengan jelas. Adakah dominasi bererti pengukuhan Melayu sebagai rentier class?
Bagaimana seruan 1Malaysia mahu berjaya sedangkan Najib sangat kurang jumlah panglima barisan depan pergi bertemu rakyat menerangkan apa maksud 1Malaysia.Malah dikalangan rakyat bawahan, mereka digalakkan supaya berkelahi.
Kemudian kita lihat tindak tanduk pemimpin UMNO yang menjahanamkan konsep 1Malaysia. Ketegangan kaum sengaja digalakkan oleh kerajaan. Tindak tanduk berbaur perkauman dan perselilishan dikalangan sebangsa digalakkan juga. Maka negara kita tidak menuju kepada inclusiveness yang diangan2kan oleh Najib bahkan divisiveness.
How can we believe Najib? He says one thing, but then allows the things he said to be negated.
Kesemua tingkah laku Najib dan pemimpin kerajaan seterusnya mendedahkan bagaimana dangkal pemikiranya tentang konsep1Malaysia. Ianya sekali gus membuktikan bahawa konsep 1Malaysia bukanlah sesuatu yang dia sendiri fikirkan. Tahukah oang Melayu dan orang UMNO, kesukaan Najib ialah mengkontrakkan pemikiran dan dasar kepada consultants? 
Saya tidak akan heran ada pegawai kerajaan memberitahu saya bahawa 1Malaysia difikirkan untuk Najib oleh pasukan pakar runding. Pada zaman Najiblah bermula nya zaman setiap buah fikiran baru dihasilkan oleh pakar runding. Sehingga bajet yang akan datangpun adalah hasil pakar runding. Pada zaman dahulu, pegawai kementerian kewangan akan meyediakan isian dalam bajet. Bagaimana bajet mahu dilaksanakan kalau penyediaaan nya dilakukan oleh con-sultants?

6 comments:

سومڤيتن امس,  16 September 2013 at 02:53  

1/4
Where do I begin?

Seperti yang telah saya janjikan sebelum ini, gergasi yang dimaksudkan ialah Tun Abdul Razak, PM kedua. Biarlah riwayat hidup dan pencapaian allahyarham Tun diceritakan oleh mereka yang pernah mengdampingi beliau sebagai pegawai dalam perkhidmatan awam yang sama, sebagai sahabat seperjuangan dan lebih-lebih lagi sebagai anggota dari lapisan pemimpin teratas lantas untuk memajukan negara yang kita sayangi.

Mungkin ini akan menjemukan sesetengah pihak pembaca, tetapi pada saya, lebih baik saya mengulangi apa yang pernah saya dedahkan dahulu kerana wabak penyakit senang lupa di khalayak kita. Ini pembuka selera:

Tun Razak had only three bush jackets — three.

“…I think it was due very much to the maturity of the people who ran the country at that time: the politicians, headed by Tun Razak, Tun Ismail, Tun Tan Siew Sin. These people compared to what you have now …These people were solid people —you could not bribe them. Tun Razak had only three bush jackets - three. That’s what he used to wear. Now, everyday(sic) is like Bollywood: morning, different shirt; afternoon, different shirt. Tun Razak wore one.” m/s 41 ‘OFF THE EDGE’ Aug 2009.

“…and was explained to all of us. That is why the NOC evolved to become what it did and Tun Razak came with the idea of 30 percent Malay (equity ownership).”

“The New Economic Policy was the brainchild of Tun Razak himself. But the men whom he called upon to draft this was Tan Sri Nasruddin Mohamed (then Secretary-General of the newly renamed Trade and Industry Ministry, formerly Ministry of Commerce and Industry), Tan Sri Jamil Jan, and myself. At that point Tun Razak asked Tan Sri Nasruddin, to put together a committee to plan and implement the NEP. But the term ‘New Economic Policy’ was coined by Tun Razak himself, and it was he who set the target at 30 percent. He consulted us, and said it should be fair to all the communities in the country.” (spoken by National Operations Council(NOC) secretary, Datuk Abdul Rahman Hamidon in the interview titled ‘The Meaning of May 13th’, ibid, pg 37)

To a question by Farish A Noor in the same interview, “…So again the question is: was depoliticisation healthy for the development Malaysian democracy?”

Datuk Abdul Rahman Hamidon: “Ah, well I think at that time yes. I knew when I was working in the Ministry of Commerce and in the Ministry of Defence, that had we run the country on a democratic basis, it was going to be very difficult to resolve our problems. You had to go to the Treasury to make your case, to get the money you needed for projects, and as I’ve told you, the Treasury was then controlled by the Chinese minister, and the Ministry of Commerce also by the Chinese Minister. So the technocrats, especially the secretaries-general in the ministries, found this very difficult. And they considered that the best way [to get round this was] was by having a state of Emergency with no interference from politicians. Tun Razak, as Director of Operations, was the man. No-one could question him. He could write the law any time.”

“But Tun Razak was also very cautious about the situation. I told him, ‘Tun, the power is with you. Tun is Parliament, Tun is the Cabinet, Tun is everything.’ The State Assemblies was also under his control. He could do many, many things.”

“But Tun didn’t want to keep it that way. He held a lot of consultations with the NOC; despite the fact that it was only an advisory committee. It had no function to enact law, and it could not do anything drastic. But Tun consulted the NOC regularly and all of his decisions were followed by a press statement that began with the phrase: ‘Today the NOC has decided that…’ though in reality it was he(Tun Razak) who decided. The net result was that the Malays civil servants and the technocrats, as you call them, found it much easier to run the country, as you say, and implement the New Economic Policy without interference…”

S.E.

سومڤيتن امس,  16 September 2013 at 02:54  

2/4
“There were so many laws which had been amended. I would simply take a document to Tun with our recommendations and he would sign it. Many of the laws and legal amendments were not put to the NOC formally, but just signed by Tun because they were deemed urgent. The police were telling me, ‘Datuk Rahman, please make sure the Tun signs this law as quickly as possible.’ And so we did things very fast. In fact, Harun Hashim told Tun he couldn’t run the ACA (Anti-Corruption Agency) with the present laws and he wanted them to be amended. We did that too.”

“There were two things the government introduced then: the first was a law where the government could decide to make the civil servant leave the government for the private sector, with a pension. That was termed ‘retirement in the national interest’. It was Tun Ismail who brought this up, for he was in Guthrie at the time and he could not get Malays to work there. He kept telling us that the Malays were not interested in commerce and business and that they would not take the risk of entering the private sector. Almost all of the Malays were in the government. I later became one of the civil servants who was made to ‘retire in the national interest’.”

“There was also another law whereby the government made it compulsory for civil servant to retire ‘in the public interest’. There were many people who did not work and could not perform but the government could not make them leave. So under this law, which Tun Razak signed, he could just dismiss people.”

Farish A Noor: “Were some of these dismissals political in nature?”

“No, no, I don’t think so. Because most of the recommendations came from the secretaries-general [of the relevant ministries]. However most of the people who were dismissed were from the police!

F.A.N: “Why?”

“Because the IGP thought that they were just doing nothing! They had been in the police for so long that they had become deadwood. I cannot recall if, in the civil service, anybody had been dismissed under this law, at that time.”

F.A.N: “But how could you be certain that there were no politically-motivated dismissals at the time?”

“No, I really don’t think that happened, I’m very definite of that. But retirement in the national interest was the way things worked then. You see, a civil servant could not claim to want to retire for the sake of national interest. It was the government that had to retire you, you could not apply for it. But today you apply! (laughs)”

“At that time [in the early stages of the NOC and NEP] it was the government that retired you when they thought you could play a role in the private sector [and still] get a pension…(Tan Sri) Soh Huat was one of them (one of the founders of MAS and its first chief executive; now chairman of Guiness Anchor Berhad). Me, it was decided by the government that I should join Pernas.” (ibid pg 37-38)

S.E.

سومڤيتن امس,  16 September 2013 at 02:55  

3/4
“…When Tun Razak or Tun (Tan) Siew Sin went overseas I followed them. Tun Siew Sin washed his own clothes and hung them to dry because the government wouldn’t pay laundry allowance. Later on, the civil servants, we fought for dhoby allowance so that whenever we had to go overseas we reimbursed in half, not full. During the time when I was there, there was no payment for laundry. Can you imagine that?” (ibid, pg 39)

Tan Sri Abdullah Ahmad: “Let me elaborate on Datuk said. That time, Tun Razak was under pressure because as he said, Tun saw bodies everywhere. Later we went [together] and I nearly fainted when I saw the bodies at the hospital. But the police said they couldn’t control the situation without the army. And so the decision was made to call in the army to assist the police in the early part of the Emergency. The army came in reluctantly. There was no way we were thinking [of dictatorship] —the emergency powers were temporary. Of course there were people who wanted to prolong it….” (ibid, pg 40)

Tan Sri Abdullah Ahmad: “Dr Mahathir is always opposed to other people, but if it’s him at the helm, it’s okay. (laughter) …I sometimes used to help carry Tun Razak’s bag. Now they have got people to carry minister’s wives’ bags, hairdressers, make-up… ” (ibid, pg 41)

Berikut dipetik daripada ‘Tun Razak Putera Titiwangsa’ oleh Tan Sri Shariff Ahmad, 206 muka surat (1999 – Utusan Publications & Distributors Sdn Bhd), m/s ii-iii, “Sudah tidak dapat dijumpai orang yang berjuang tanpa mengharapkan apa-apa. Dekad lalu masih menyediakan pemimpin yang sedia berkorban tanpa mengharapkan sebarang balasan. Dekad ini, keistimewaan seperti ini sudah menjadi khayalan”, dan di dalam Kata Pengantar oleh A. Samad Said, “Tan Sri Shariff Ahmad mengharapkan bahawa apa yang dipaparkannya akan dapat bercerita tentang apa erti perjuangan, kesetiaan, pengorbanan, cita-cita, setia kawan, tanggungjawab dan kecintaan terhadap bangsa dan negara…Terbayanglah di hadapan kita bagaimana teman-teman politik berjuang. Terhurailah di hadapan kita fikiran dan hati nurani manusia – barisan pemimpin pertama menjelang kemerdekaan…Tidak diberitahu secara langsung, tetapi dalam peristiwa yang sekali-sekala dan di sana-sini berkias, Tan Sri Shariff Ahmad mengatakan bahawa janganlah kita kehilangan semangat pergorbanan lama itu. Di hadapannya sendiri Tun Abdul Razak adalah satu lambang perjuangan bangsa Melayu yang barangkali terlalu sukar diganti…Di samping mendekati Tun Abdul Razak dan era lalunya, barangkali kita tidak akan kecewa untuk menemui semangat yang terpancar daripada tokoh yang diceritakan ini. Segala pergulatan dan kebimbangan era lalu dapat memperjelaskan pergulatan dan kebimbingan era kini. Barangkali.”

Di muka surat 127 terpapar gambar waktu Tun Razak mengadap Seri Paduka Baginda Yang di Pertuan Sultan Abdul Halim Mu’adzam Shah untuk menerima perlantikan sebagai Perdana Menteri yang Kedua, pada tahun 1970. Genap 43 tahun kemudian, Seri Paduka Baginda Yang di Pertuan Sultan Abdul Halim Mu’adzam Shah sekali lagi menerima mengadap, tak lain dan tak bukan, anak kepada Perdana Menteri yang Kedua bersempena lantikan beliau sebagai Perdana Menteri yang Enam.

Apakah ini tidak merupakan satu mukjizat yang tidak akan berulang selama-lamanya di mana-mana sahaja di bumi ini, di mana ketua negara itu baik dia seorang sultan, raja mahu pun seorang presiden dapat melantikkan kedua-dua bapa dan anaknya sebagai seorang ketua kerajaan dengan laluan masa selama 40 lebih tahun?

S.E.

سومڤيتن امس,  16 September 2013 at 02:55  

4/4

Tun Abdul Razak telah banyak berjasa kepada penduduk desa di bawah payung KDYMM Sultan Abdul Halim Mu’adzam Shah, dan di bawah payung yang sama ini yang dipegang oleh KDYMM Sultan Abdul Halim Mu’adzam Shah, sudah tibalah masa bagi Datuk Seri Najib mengubah nasib sekumpulan penduduk desa yang lain, ia itu petani dan nelayan, yang terlalu lama terbiar dan dipinggirkan.


Datuk Seri Najib owes it to his father, at the very least, to re-visit the rural areas and coastal villages to make long overdue and meaningful changes to the lives of the inhabitants there. It was FELDA and FELCRA by Tun Razak, there must be something new by DS Najib.

Ralat: Bukan seorang gergasi sahaja dari 60an-70an, tetapi ramai.

عادة ڤولاو ليمبورن ڤاسڠ

S.E.

سومڤيتن امس,  16 September 2013 at 07:39  

Koreksi: No: 3/4, perenggan terakhir: Apakah ini tidak merupakan satu mukjizat yang tidak akan berulang ... , gugurkan tidak.

Terima kasih.

S.E.

سومڤيتن امس,  16 September 2013 at 16:38  

Koreksi kali ke-2 (malulah!)- No: 3/4:
perenggan terakhir: Apakah ini tidak merupakan satu mukjizat yang tidak akan berulang...diubah menjadi Apakah ini merupakan satu mukjizat yang tidak akan berulang...

S.E.

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